History and Evolution of Imposter Phenomenon Research

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    Historical Origins of Imposter Phenomenon

    In the 1970’s, when men went away to war to fight in Vietnam, women took over many men held positions until they returned home. Upon their return, some women maintained these jobs as some men were no longer able to complete their duties at the same capacity, if at all. These women who now held positions, previously assumed by men, questioned their own abilities and compared the quality of their work to previously perceived standards. These women questioned if they would ever achieve the standards in which men once presented-essentially seeing a glass ceiling. Don’t get it wrong, these women were successful, high achieving, and some even excelled in what was once a men’s profession. But, did they accept their success? Did they continue to compare themselves to men? Were they as great as the outcome of their work? What is now commonly called the imposter phenomenon can trace its beginnings to the mid-20th century, to the clinical realm of psychology, and academia. Before it acquired its current name, and even before it was recognized as something that a substantial number of people experience, the imposter “syndrome” was something that high-achieving women, in particular, felt—not only in the 1970s but reportedly throughout history.

    In 1978, Clance and Imes published a paper on this phenomenon among a certain set of high-achieving women. The work of these two psychologists spotlighted a very important aspect of this particular psychological pattern: it tends to strike individuals who are high achievers and, as a result, often leaves them feeling unable to internalize their successes.

    Until this moment, mainstream psychology had largely ignored the imposter phenomenon.  When it finally surfaced, what was discovered shined some serious light on how many professionals in all sorts of fields were really laboring under an imposter’s shell. With few exceptions, those who examined the High Achiever/Imposter combination noted how copiously one careens around inside of an imposter’s skin.

    Since Clance and Imes’ groundbreaking study, research on the imposter phenomenon has exploded. The more recent work concentrating mostly on understanding the origins of the phenomenon has led to an even better understanding of its social and structural bases.

    The more recent studies serve to remind us that IP is not just a private problem but also a public one with serious and widespread consequences. Uncovering what causes this mental health issue can help us take the necessary steps toward reducing its incidence.

    Year Significant Milestone in Imposter Phenomenon Research
    1978 Pauline Rose Clance and Suzanne A. Imes coin “imposter syndrome”.
    Early 1990’s Research expands beyond high-achieving women to recognize broader applicability.
    Early 2000’s  Further studies emphasize the diversity within experiences of the imposter phenomenon.

    This table captures key instances in the history and research of the imposter phenomenon. It delineates how our understanding of the phenomenon has shifted and broadened over time—from a very narrow identification of it in a specific population to a recognition of its much wider impact across a range of demographic groups.

    Initial Research and Recognition

    In 1978, psychologists Pauline Rose Clance and Suzanne Imes put forward the first and most widely known framework for understanding what is now referred to as the imposter phenomenon. Their now-classic study focused on high-achieving women who, despite obvious signs of success, felt that they were not deserving of their accomplishments and that they were, in fact, not as competent as they were supposed to be (Clance & Imes, 1978).

    Clance and Imes’ work was pathbreaking not only for its focus on a clear and troubling pattern of thought that was seen mostly in women but also for its use of interviews to get at the emotional core of the phenomenon. Their study helped validate the very real experience that many women (and some men, too) have of feeling like imposters in their work lives.

    The research by Clance and Imes has drawn the necessary attention to the phenomenon of imposterism, which affects not only women but also many men who generally do not expect such imposter feelings. They uncovered some important patterns that seem to run through the experiences of people who feel like imposters.

    • A tenacious conviction that one is not truly deserving of success and has only gotten where they are through dubious means.
    • The anxiety associated with the thought that one might be “found out” when there’s solid proof that they are capable.
    • An almost impossible task for some to truly take in any victory or accomplishment as something rightfully theirs, which compounds the problem of feeling inadequate.

    Their research showed that these feelings weren’t just one-off occurrences but were part of a larger, more widespread issue. This allowed for some productive discussions to happen around the pressures that women face in highly competitive environments and, more importantly, opened up for discussion the serious pressures that women in these environments put on themselves, as well as some not-so-good mental health consequences that can come from feeling like you have to prove to yourself and to others that you’ve earned your place.

    The work that these researchers did, as well as the work that followed, eventually got the conversation going in a direction where it was more okay to talk about accomplishments and challenges alike, with fear of being judges (by others and by one’s own self).

    It marked a significant shift from seeing it as a problem limited to high-achieving women to recognizing it as an experience with complex roots in various personality traits, family dynamics, and cultural and systemic pressures. It also prompted a substantial body of research aimed at discerning its “causes,” its prevalence, and its outcomes.

    Evolution of the Concept Over Time

    Despite the imposter phenomenonfirst being tagged to a certain demographic, the understanding of this psychological pattern has evolved. The pattern’s reach across gender, profession, and culture has become apparent. Next, we will take a look at the transformative effect that the phenomenon’s diverse demographic and breadth of societal impact have had on the understanding of both factors.

    From Gender-Specific to Universal Recognition

    In the beginning, the imposter phenomenon was studied mostly with high-achieving women. This was not a bad thing, for it gave clear attention to the phenomenon. But, it kept our understanding pretty limited. We saw only women and the imposter phenomenon.

    Starting from the early 1990s, research on the phenomenon has been expanded to include more diverse groups and, importantly, to include men as well. It turns out that lots of people—be they women or men, from any number of academic or professional backgrounds—experience self-doubt and the feeling of being a fraud.

    As the imposter phenomenon has gained in visibility, it has also gained in stature within psychology, moving from an area of low status with little claim to relevance, then to one of significant import; it is not just an “interesting” phenomenon but one with serious and widespread implications for the health of many individuals.

    This is evident in the push to integrate into psychology syllabuses, not just the basic concepts of the phenomenon, but also its nuances; for instance, in the way different (and overlapping) identities—like age (Thompson et al., 1998; Oriel et al., 2004), race (SolĂłrzano et al., 2000), gender (Brauer & Proyer, 2017), and socio-economic status (Sonnak & To well, 2001)—shape our experiences with the impostor phenomenon.

    I have searched high and low and could not find data on the imposter phenomenon and non-binary and transgender individuals, thus, when the data is available I will relay it via Imposterhelp.com. It would be a privilege to be in the forefront of those disseminating such information, as this particular population already has hurdles to climb. Gender diverse individuals are an important part of our society that deserves to be recognized, and given the research demonstrating a relationship between minority status and IP, they are likely to experience IP at high levels. Future articles on the topic to come.

    Beyond Individual Impacts

    With our understanding of the imposter phenomenon comes a greater appreciation for its effects beyond just those who suffer from it. We are now taking a much closer look at the role that workplace and educational institution cultures play in either fostering or mitigating these feelings.

    The environments of these two types of organizations, it has recently been said, contribute to “impostor” feelings among their members. Workplaces and educational institutions are thus being called upon to consider just how in many ways they may be contributing to members’ profound sense of fraudulence.

    Psychology’s understanding of the imposter phenomenon is now more nuanced, and this is moving us toward an even more inclusive approach to addressing the experiences of people who feel like imposters. By this, I mean that we are no longer just defining the experiences of feeling like an imposter or not feeling like an imposter in very narrow ways. We’re starting to look at and consider why some people feel like imposters and what’s underlying that feeling in terms of their individual and collective experiences.

    Key Studies and Findings in Imposter Phenomenon Research

    The pathway toward comprehending the imposter phenomenon has been laid out by many important studies that have both clarified its intricacies and expanded its acknowledged reach among various groups. A range of hard-won knowledge now exists on the topic—knowledge that for the most part doesn’t come easy and is not readily apparent.

    This is because the imposter phenomenon, with its ubiquitous and often insidious presence, tends to exist in the shadows. Yet it now has a spotlight aimed at it, and that’s in large part thanks to the studies and researchers that have traveled down the path.

    While societal expectations and conditioning may not influence men’s and women’s feelings of fraudulence to the same degree, they do shape the imposter’s “personality” type and impact the kinds of work and life choices individuals with this syndrome often make.

    Diverse Demographics and Professions

    Another direction in which research has progressed significantly is in looking at the imposter phenomenon across a range of diverse demographics and professional arenas. Imposters have been found in varies fields such a as psychology (Cutri et al., 2021), medicine (Halgas et al., 2024), and many other professions. This is important because we know that even the most successful individuals across a variety of fields can be affected by it. Studies have shown that amounts of imposter feelings can—and do—vary according to the profession. For instance, those in highly evaluative fields, such as academia, and fields where there is a lot of subjective judgment and uncertain market validation, such as the arts, tend to be much more likely to feel like imposters.

    It is important to understand these differences, not just for the sake of understanding, but also because they provide invaluable insights that can be used to develop targeted support and validation systems for the professional spaces in which these feelings tend to flourish.

    Furthermore, research specifically targeting the racial and ethnic minority experiences with the imposter phenomenon has illuminated the additional complexities that systemic inequities and cultural dynamics introduce (Majer, 2009). The existence of this additional layer of imposter phenomenon falls almost solely on minority groups. And make no mistake, the evidence is mounting that this group contends with a fierce and heightened fear of confirmation bias against negative stereotypes, and are often burdened with a lack of support to overcome such challenges (SolĂłrzano et al., 2000).

    Why is this important? Understanding these dynamics is crucial in developing interventions and ways of helping people with the imposter phenomenon that appreciate its many-splendored nature. Furthermore, key studies have been and are being done that will help us understand the what, why, and how of the phenomenon.

    Imposter Phenomenon and Mental Health

    The imposter phenomenon is not fleeting self-doubt but rather a deep-seated, long-lasting, unfortunate mental state. It has significant effects on the mental well-being of those in its clutches, especially because it often leads to increased anxiety and an undiagnosed or poorly managed mental health issue. Unfortunately, it has not been acknowledged as a psychiatric disorder in the our health system (or the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders-DSM) (Bravata et al., 2020) due to not meeting the two criteria that have been set out as “guiding principles” since the DSM‘s inception: (1) a significantly large group of clinicians must deem the condition to be of clinical importance and, (2) the condition must be reasonably defined to be distinguished; to be discerned from other mental disorders (Spitzer et al., 1977). Though, we can all argue that it has influenced enough people to be considered of significant importance, hence the amount of research on it. 

    People experiencing this phenomenon tend not to associate the good things that happen to them with their abilities. Instead, they frequently chalk up their successes to luck or something externally related. “I was lucky that time.” “That was a fluke.” “I just happen to know the right people.” … Contrarily, if something bad happens, it’s much more likely that a person with the imposter phenomenon will take that event to heart and associate it more with their internal self-worth.

    The imposter phenomenon affects some people more than it does others, and it has different effects on different people. Who feels like an imposter and who doesn’t depend on many things? For most of us, it varies over time and is almost always tied to our contexts. Some high-achieving individuals feel like imposters because they’re always under pressure to perform at their best.

    Many professionals—especially those in underrepresented groups—feel like imposters because for them, just proving they’re competent seems to take a lot more effort and sometimes happens only after amounts of labor that could hardly be considered “life hacks” or “get smart quick” strategies. But most of us aren’t attorneys or medical professionals, and our labor and our ability to labor aren’t always valued.

    The connection between the phenomenon of being an imposter and mental health challenges requires careful attention to how these two aspects relate, especially when you consider that people who experience the imposter phenomenon are more likely to be at risk for anxiety and depression (Ross et al., 2001). In essence, if you are going to feel like a fraud no matter what you achieve, that is not going to be too good for your mental health. And if you are bound and determined to push through anyway, the “coping mechanisms” (a.k.a. not-so-great ways to stay sane) that the research points us toward are concerning. Most involve avoidance tactics, which don’t seem like any kind of solution to me.

    Mental Health Issue Association With Imposter Phenomenon
    Anxiety Heightened due to fear of exposure as a ‘fraud’
    Depression Exacerbated by persistent self-doubt and perceived inadequacy
    Stress Increased in academic/professional environments due to performance pressure

    Understanding how tightly bound the imposter phenomenon is with assorted facets of mental health allows us to appreciate its significance for more than just professional outcomes. It gives us a reason to take it seriously and to dig into it within psychology as a research and intervention target precisely because it affects so many in ways that can be quite harmful, particularly when it comes to suppressing the expression of and the pursuit of help for mental health problems.

    The Role of Social Media and Modern Challenges

    How people view success and achievement has been impacted by the rise of social media, with the potential of amplifying the imposter phenomenon. LinkedIn, for instance, has become a space not only for the display but the celebration of our accomplishments.

    Not only does social media reflect an exaggerated version of reality, but it also amplifies the feeling of being an imposter by providing an environment where feedback is immediate and easily measurable. In the social media space, what constitutes ordinary life can easily be perceived as something that falls short of what should be expected in a public persona. All this comes with an added layer of externalization that recruits our viewers (friends) as co-scientists in the validity of our experiments.

    Furthermore, social media aren’t just about individuals and their personal experiences with something like imposter syndrome; they’re about the workplaces and academic environments those individuals occupy. By showcasing themselves on social media, particularly platforms with a professional focus, like LinkedIn, individuals cater to the increasing employer demand for visibility and branding as profitability metrics.

    This isn’t just a harmless veneer over one’s life; it’s the only way to ensure one won’t be mistaken for less competent. Necessary branding in social media spaces builds up and accentuates the feeling of being an impostor if one isn’t able or doesn’t want to garnish a facade.

    Even with the difficulties encountered, social media possesses the potential to serve as a powerhouse for effecting positive change in the fight against the imposter phenomenon. A growing trend toward online authenticity and vulnerability promises to make it easier to share the not-so-great parts of “the journey”—to success.

    As an online community, we can better support one another if we acknowledge everyone’s hard-won, sometimes-soaked-in-blood-and-tears path to accomplishment. Recognizing that some of us are good fakers and that all of us have times when we feel like we’re faking can help take the edge off imposter syndrome and maybe even make it a little more tolerable when we do go through it.

    Conclusion

    The history and psychology of the imposter phenomenon reveal that it is not just an individual’s problem but truly a prevaricate that affects many people within our professional, academic, and social worlds.

    Understanding this is one thing. But the reason I want to drive this home is that we have to stop putting so much on the shoulders of the individuals whom this affects. The imposter phenomenon is just much too unfair a game for the players to take full responsibility for whatever it is that might be going on on the other side of the skin.

    The phenomenon of imposture does not discriminate. It impacts individuals broadly across various professions, lifestyles, and demographic categories. This sweep and reach call for acknowledgment and efforts toward remedy. Indeed, in recent years, contemporary studies have probed our understanding of the impostor phenomenon in ways that allow us to make sense of it within the increasingly high-stakes and hyper-competitive worlds in which we live, work, and study.

    To conclude, even though extensive work has been done over the past 50 years to understand the phenomenon of feeling like an impostor, there is still much more to learn, especially since this is an applied psychological area that directly relates to mental health and well-being. We urge people to continue these discussions. They don’t have to be academic discussions; they can be discussions among family, friends, and colleagues. Indeed, we would encourage construing these as “safe spaces” where one can talk about vulnerabilities and still feel good about oneself.

    After all, we need to talk more openly about mental health issues and the available help. We’re pretty certain that would have a positive effect on reducing the incidence of this phenomenon.

    References:

    • Brauer, K., & Proyer, R. T. (2017). Are impostors playful? Testing the association of adult playfulness with the impostor phenomenon. Personality and Individual Differences, 116, 57-62. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2017.04.029  
    • Bravata, D. M., Watts, S. A., Keefer, A. L., Madhusudhan, D. K., Taylor, K. T., Clark, D. M., Nelson, R. S., Cokley, K. O., & Hagg, H. K. (2020). Prevalence, predictors, and treatment of imposter syndrome: A systematic review. Journal of General Internal Medicine, 35(4), 1252-1275. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11606-019-05364-1 
    • Cutri, J., Abraham, A., Karlina, Y., Patel, S. V., Moharami, M., Zeng, S., Manzari, E., & Pretorius, L. (2021). Academic integrity at doctoral level: the influence of the imposter phenomenon and cultural differences on academic writing. International Journal for Educational Integrity, 17(1), 1-16. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40979-021-00074-w 
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    • Majer, J.M. (2009). Self-efficacy and academic success among ethnically diverse first-generation community college students. Journal of Diversity in Higher Education, 2, 243-250
    • Oriel, K., Plane, M. B., & Mundt, M. (2004). Family medicine residents and the impostor phenomenon. Family Medicine, 36(4), 248-252.
    • Ross, S. R., Stewart, J. S., Mugge, M., & Fultz, B. (2001). The imposter phenomenon,  achievement dispositions, and the Five Factor Model. Personality and Individual Differences, 31, 1347–1355. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0191-8869(00)00228-2
    • SolĂłrzano, D., Ceja, M., & Yosso, T. (2000). Critical race theory, racial microaggressions, and campus racial climate: The experiences of African American college students. The Journal of Negro Education, 69, 60-73. https://www.jstor.org/stable/2696265
    • Sonnak, C., & Towell, T. (2001). The impostor phenomenon in British university students: Relationships between self-esteem, mental health, parental rearing style and socioeconomic status. Personality and Individual Differences, 31(6), 863-874. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0191-8869(00)00184-7
    • Spitzer, R. L., Sheehy, M., & Endicott, J. (1977). DSM-III: Guiding principles. In V. M. Rakoff, H. C. Stancer, H. B. Kedward (Eds). Psychiatric Diagnosis, (pp. 1-24). Palgrave Macmillan. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-03753-7_1 
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